Notes

• [1]
  A. Rehfeld, « Representation Rethought : On Trustees, Delegates and Gyroscopes in the Study of Political Representation and Democracy », American Political Science Review 103(2), 2009, p. 214.
• [2]
  P. Seaward, « Edmund Burke and the Brexit Debates », History of Parliament Blog, 7 Feb. 2017, https://thehistoryofparliament.wordpress.com/2017/02/07/edmund-burke-and-the-brexit-debates/?blogsub=confirming#blog_subscription-5 (accessed 10 June 2020).
• [3]
  A. S. Foord, « The Waning of “the Influence of the Crown” », English Historical Review 62/245, 1947 pp. 484-507.
• [4]
  P. Harling, « Re-thinking “Old Corruption” », Past & Present 147, 1995, pp. 56-57.
• [5]
  K. Gilmartin, Print Politics : The Press and Radical Opposition in Early Nineteenth-Century England, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996, ch. 5.
• [6]
  A key example is H. Pitkin, The Concept of Representation, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press, 1967.
• [7]
  E. Burke, « Speech to the Electors of Bristol, 3 November 1774 », in Select Works of Edmund Burke, vol. 4, Indianopolis, Liberty Fund, 1999, https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/burke-select-worksof-edmund-burke-vol-4#lf0005-04_head_004 (accessed 10 June 2020).
• [8]
  A. Rehfeld, « Representation Rethought : On Trustees, Delegates and Gyroscopes in the Study of Political Representation and Democracy », op. cit., p. 217.
• [9]
  P. Gauci, William Beckford: First Prime Minister of the London Empire, New Haven, Yale University Press, 2013 ; P. T. A. Underdown, « Henry Cruger and Edmund Burke : Colleagues and Rivals at the Bristol election of 1774 », William and Mary Quarterly 15(1), 1958, p. 17.
• [10]
  P. Seaward, « Edmund Burke and the Brexit Debates », op. cit.
• [11]
  P. T. Underdown, « Henry Cruger », p. 31.
• [12]
  M. Knights, Politics and Opinion in Crisis, 1678-81, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 239.
• [13]
  C. Rawston, Politics and Literature in the Age of Swift : English and Irish Perspectives, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010, pp. 33-34.
• [14]
  J. Somers, Jura Populi Anglicani, London, 1701, p. 51 cited in M. Knights, Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain : Partisanship and Political Culture, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2006, p. 131.
• [15]
  M. Knights, Representation, p. 195 ; M. Knights, Politics and Opinion, pp. 156-168.
• [16]
  M. Knights, Representation, p. 198.
• [17]
  Cited in C. Rawston, Politics and Literature in the Age of Swift, op. cit., p. 33.
• [18]
  An Account of some Late Designs to create a misunderstanding betwixt the King and his People ; and to subvert the English Constitution, by exalting the Prerogative, and rendering Parliaments useless, London, 1702, p. 13.
• [19]
  He was only inducted into the Conservative tradition by 1914 : see E. Jones, « Conservatism, Edmund Burke and the Invention of a Political Tradition, c.1885-1914 », Historical Journal 58/4 (2015), pp. 1115-1139.
• [20]
  E. Burke, « Speech to the Electors of Bristol », op. cit.
• [21]
  Cited in M. Knights, Representation, op. cit., p. 196.
• [22]
  E. Burke, « Speech to the Electors of Bristol », op. cit.
• [23]
  E. Burke, « Speech to the Electors of Bristol », op. cit.
• [24]
  A. Rehfeld, « Representation Rethought : On Trustees, Delegates and Gyroscopes in the Study of Political Representation and Democracy », op. cit., p. 215.
• [25]
  P. Jukes, « Brexit Disaster Capitalism : Are Boris Johnson’s Hedge Fund Backers Driving Policy ? », Byline Times, 23 Sept. 2019 https://bylinetimes.com/2019/09/23/brexit-disaster-capitalism-are-boris-johnsons-hedge-fund-backers-driving-policy/ (accessed 18 June 2020).
• [26]
  P. T. Underdown, « Edmund Burke, the Commissary of his Bristol constituents, 1774-1780 », English Historical Review 78/287, 1958, 252n.
• [27]
  « The General Election of 1774 » https://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1754-1790/survey/ii-elections (accessed 1 July 2020).
• [28]
  Dunning’s motion was prompted by the « Petition of the gentlemen, clegy, and freeholders of the county of York, respecting an Economical Reform », though this was not the only petition received. See W. Cobbett, Cobbett’s Parliamentary History of England : From the Norman Conquest, in 1066, to the Year, 1803, vol. 21, London, R. Bagshaw, 1814, cc. 340-374.
• [29]
  W. Cobbett, Parliamentary History, cc. 367. 370 ; H. Walpole, Journal of the Reign of King George the Third from the year 1771 to 1783, vol. 2, London, Richard Bentley, 1859, p. 394.
• [30]
  E. Burke, « Speech on the Reform of the Representation of the Commons in Parliament », 7 May 1782, in Select Works of Edmund Burke, vol. 4, Indianopolis, Liberty Fund, 1999, https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/659#Burke_0005-04_101 (accessed 18 June 2020).
• [31]
  M. Brock, The Great Reform Act, London, Hutchinson, 1973, pp. 18-20.
• [32]
  W. Cobbett, Political Register 33, 1818, pp. 377-378.
• [33]
  M. Brock, The Great Reform Act, op. cit., pp. 20-21.
• [34]
  Cited in M. Taylor, « The Six Points : Chartism and the Reform of Parliament », in O. Ashton, R. Fyson and S. Roberts (eds.), The Chartist Legacy, Rendlesham, Merlin Press, 1999, pp. 11-12.
• [35]
  M. Taylor, « The Six Points : Chartism and the Reform of Parliament », op. cit., p. 9.
• [36]
  Cited in H. J. Hanham, (ed.), The Nineteenth Century Constitution : Documents and Commentary, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1969, p. 270.
• [37]
  R. Poole, Peterloo : The English Uprising, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2019.
• [38]
  M. Chase, Chartism : A New History, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2007, pp. 7-8.
• [39]
  M. Taylor, « The Six Points : Chartism and the Reform of Parliament », op. cit., pp. 1-13.
• [40]
  R. Hussey and H. Miller, « Petitions, Parliament and Political Culture : Petitioning the House of Commons, 1780-1918 », Past & Present (published online 13 Apr. 2020 : https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz061).
• [41]
  Cited in R. Hussey and H. Miller, « Petitions », op. cit.
• [42]
  H. M. R. Cam, « The legislators of Mediaeval England », in E. B. Bride and E. Miller (eds.) Historical Studies of the English Parliament : Origins to 1399, vol. 1, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1970, pp. 179-182.
• [43]
  H. M. R. Cam, « The legislators of Mediaeval England », op. cit., p. 193 ; C. Jeffery, « Anti- Welsh legislation of the Parliament of 1401 and the battle of Pilleth on 22 June 1402 », History of Parliament Blog, 22 June 2020 https://thehistoryofparliament.wordpress.com/2020/06/22/anti-welsh-legislation-of-the-parliament-of-1401-and-the-battle-of-pilleth-on-22-june-1402/ (accessed 6 July 2020).
• [44]
  M. Chase, « Chartism », op. cit., p. 121.
• [45]
  W. Bagehot, The English Constitution, London, Chapman and Hall, 1867, p. 181.
• [46]
  H. J. Hanham, Elections and Party Management : Politics in the time of Disraeli and Gladstone, Hassocks, Harvester, 1978, ch. 1.
• [47]
  G. Debord, La société du spectacle, Paris, Buchet-Chastel, 1967, locates the emergence of a society focused upon representation and commodification managed by media-driven spectacle in the 1920s, but it is contended here that this can already be discerned in the later nineteenth century in Britain.
• [48]
  See, for instance, F. O’Gorman, « Campaign rituals and ceremonies : The social meaning of elections in England, 1780-1860 », Past & Present 135, 1992, pp. 79-115.
• [49]
  H. J. Hanham, Elections and Party Management, op. cit., ch. 7 ; A. Hunter, A Life of Sir John Gorst : Disraeli’s Awkward Disciple, London, Cass, 2001, ch. 7.
• [50]
  Cited in D. Judd. Radical Joe : A Life of Joseph Chamberlain, Cardiff, University of Wales Press, 1993, pp. 123-124.
• [51]
  J. P. Gehrke, « A Radical Endeavor : Joseph Chamberlain and the Emergence of Municipal Socialism in Birmingham », American Journal of Economics and Sociology 75(1), 2016, pp. 23-57.
• [52]
  Cited in P. Catterall, « “Efficiency with Freedom ?” Debates about the British Constitution in the Twentieth Century », in P. Catterall, W. Kaiser and U. Walton-Jordan (eds.), Reforming the Constitution : Debates in Twentieth-Century Britain, London, Cass, 2000, p. 35. See also C. S. Emden, « The Mandate in the Nineteenth Century », Parliamentary Affairs 11, 1958, pp. 260-272.
• [53]
  Report of the Royal Commission Appointed to Enquire into Electoral Systems. Cd. 5163, London, HMSO, 1910, pp. 33-34.
• [54]
  L. Barrow and I. BulLock, Democratic Ideas and the British Labour Movement 1880-1914, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996.
• [55]
  P. Catterall, « Efficiency with Freedom ? », op. cit., pp. 5-6, 30.
• [56]
  L. Sutherland, « Edmund Burke and the Relations Between Members of Parliament and Their Constituents », Studies in Burke and his Time 10(1), 1968, pp. 1005-1021.
• [57]
  The most thorough analysis of these contemporary patterns of local interest groups and their influence on parliamentary representation is D. Tanner, Political Change and the Labour Party 1900- 1918, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990.
• [58]
  N. C. Crowson, Facing Fascism: The Conservative Party and the European Dictators 1935- 40 Abingdon, Routledge, 1997 ; S. Ball, Portrait of a Party : The Conservative Party in Britain 1918- 1945, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013, p. 207.
• [59]
  P. Paterson, The Selectorate : the case for primary elections in Britain, London, Macgibbon & Kee, 1967.
• [60]
  Sarah Wollaston’s selection as Conservative candidate for Totnes in 2009 is a rare example.
• [61]
  C. Stevens, « Thatcherism, Majorism and the Collapse of Tory Statecraft », Contemporary British History 16(1), 2002, pp. 119-150.
• [62]
  See, for instance, M. Foley, The Rise of the British Presidency, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1993.
• [63]
  A. Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy, New York, Harper & Row, 1957.
• [64]
  « Leader’s Speech, Blackpool 1996 », BritishPoliticalSpeech http://www.britishpoliticalspeech.org/speech-archive.htm?speech=202 (accessed 29 June 2020).
• [65]
  V. Bogdanor, The People and the Party System : The Referendum and Electoral Reform in British Politics, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1981.
• [66]
  Cited in M. Qvortrup, « Democracy by Delegation : The Decision to Hold Referendums in the United Kingdom », Representation 42(1), 2006, p. 66.
• [67]
  Cited in Lord Neill (chair), Fifth Report of the Committee on Standards in Public Life : The Funding of Political Parties in the United Kingdom Cm 4057-I, p. 156.
• [68]
  J. Matsusaka, « Public policy and the initiative and referendum : a survey with some new evidence », Public Choice 174, 2018, pp. 107-143.
• [69]
  Lord Neill, Fifth Report, op. cit., p. 160.
• [70]
  L. Horstink, « Online Participation and the New Global Democracy : Avaaz, a Case Study », Global Society 31(1), 2017, pp. 101-124.
• [71]
  Lord Neill, Fifth Report, op. cit., p. 169.
• [72]
  European Union Referendum Act 2015, S.7 http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2015/36/section/7/enacted ; O. Williams-Grut, « The Government “may have broken the law with the EU referendum” », The Independent, 12 July 2016, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/the-government-may-have-broken-the-law-with-the-eu-referendum-a7133161.html (accessed 1 July 2020).
• [73]
  See A. El-Wakil and S. McKay, « Disentangling Referendums and Direct Democracy : A Defence of the Systemic Approach to Popular Vote Processes », Representation, published online 12 Aug. 2019 https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2019.1652203.
• [74]
  A. Lijpart, Democracies : Patterns of majoritarian and consensus government in twenty-one countries, London, Yale University Press, 1984, p. 203.
• [75]
  M. Qvortrup, « Democracy by Delegation », op. cit., pp. 66-67.
• [76]
  A. Rasmi, « Only 1% of Brits cared much about the EU before the 2016 Brexit vote », Quartz 10 Oct. 2019 https://qz.com/1725402/only-5-percent-of-brits-cared-about-the-eu-before-brexit/ (accessed 1 July 2020).
• [77]
  P. Catterall, « What Does “Brexit Means Brexit” Mean ? », Huffington Post, 19 July 2016 https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/dr-peter-paul-catterall/brexit-means-brexit_b_11064190.html (accessed 1 July 2020).
• [78]
  P. Catterall, « Burke and Brexit : the UK’s chief negotiator displays a lack of concern about trade risks and accountability », LSE British Policy and Politics, 28 Feb. 2020 https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/burke-and-brexit-the-uks-chief-negotiator-displays-a-lack-of-concern-about-trade-risks-and-accountability/ (accessed 1 July 2020).